William Howard Taft The President Of The United States

William Howard Taft served one term as the 27th President of the United States from 1909 until 1913. While he is perhaps best known for his plump figure and the embarrassing bathtub incident he endured while in the White House, Taft is also the only person in United States history to have held both the offices of President and Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Prior to securing the Republican Party’s presidential nomination and subsequently winning election in 1908, Taft served in various judicial and executive roles in the government, including as a judge on the U.S. Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals, civilian governor of the Philippines, and Secretary of War under President Theodore Roosevelt. While Taft came into office hoping to pass audacious legislative reform, his reluctant approach to pushing his agenda through Congress, as well as his below-average political acumen, significantly hindered his capacity to affect meaningful change throughout his time in office. Secretary Taft ran in the presidential election of 1908 as President Theodore Roosevelt’s handpicked successor and protector of his legacy. Due to the tremendous popularity and support of President Roosevelt and because he had significant control and influence over the Republican National Committee power structure, Taft did not face any legitimate opposition in the primaries, with the exception of President Roosevelt, who had pledged not to seek reelection despite a relatively easy path to reelection, givenShow MoreRelatedWilliam Howard Taft Essay914 Words   |  4 PagesWilliam Howard Taft was Americas 27th president. William was born on September 15, 1857. He was born in Cincinnati, Ohio into the Taft family. Taft’s dad, Alphonso Taft was a lawyer and public official; he was Presidents Grant’s secretary of war. Taft’s father was a lawyer. William’s mother Louise Maria Taft was Alphonso’s second wife. William had two half brothers, two brothers an d one sister. His ancestry consists of English, Scotch-Irish. William attended a public school in Cincinnati. He wentRead MoreChief Executive : The President Of The United States Forest Service1514 Words   |  7 PagesChief Executive: As a chief executive the president has the power to Enforce laws, act as administrator of the federal bureaucracy, issue executive orders, and appoint and remove judges and other high ranking officials in the government. The first person to go was Chief of the United States Forest Service,Gifford Pinchot, due to a scandal involving U.S. Secretary of Interior, Richard Ballinger.Ballinger accused Roosevelt of using his power improperly by moving large tracts of public lands into reserveRead MoreTheodore Roosevelt And William Howard Taft1501 Words   |  7 PagesWhen thinking about the numerous, dynamic leaders that America has had over the course of the nation’s history, it can become troublesome to fairly compare these respective heads of state. Though each American president has unquestionably left their own unique legacy from their time in office, when comparing leaders from similar times, certain consistencies can present themselves. While the Presidency is of course behol den to constructs of political normativity subjective to the era they presidedRead MoreWas William Taft an Effective President?552 Words   |  2 Pages A fat guy stuck in a bathtub? Or an effective President? Though President Taft was mostly thought of as the man who had to be lifted out of the bathtub, in reality, he was much more than that. President William Howard Taft was the 27th President of the United States. But, was he any good? Although Taft is not a famous president (aside from the only thing that people actually remember him for), he did make some very important contributions to our country. 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WhenRead MoreAmerica s New Sense Of World Power758 Words   |  4 Pagesmany approaches that were suggested by previous presidents, all with the same goal: World Dominance. The Big Stick idea was brought to light from President Theodore Roosevelt. The plan reflected many of the same impulses that were motivating domestic reforms that were taking place in America. He wanted to expand that reform to Cuba. He wanted to send a message that reflected to nations America s new sense of world power. With this policy Presidents could exercise power unfettered and alone if heRead MoreTheodore Roosevelt s President Of The United States967 Words   |  4 PagesTheodore Roosevelt became president after president McKinley was assassinated. Roosevelt was the 26th president of the United States from 1901-1909. Theodore Roosevelt was the youngest United States president in history. Theodore Roosevelt was one of the most popular and important to ever serve in the Chief Executive Office. During Theodores Roosevelts time as president he accomplished many things while president. A couple of his accomplishments were created when he introduced the Square Deal. TheRead MoreTh e Spanish American War And The Civil War2050 Words   |  9 PagesAmerican war was a short war, it had many of very useful world-changing outcomes. The conflict began when the Cubans wanted independence from Spain. Spain would not give Cubans their independence. The Cubans go tired of begging so eventually, the United States got involved, and it was an all-out war against Spain. Toward the end of the nineteenth-century, tensions were high between Spain and Cuba. Jose Marti wanted independence from Spain and the only way they believed they could do it was by declaring

Iron Curtain Speech by Winston Churchill

Nine months after Sir Winston Churchill failed to be reelected as Britains Prime Minister, Churchill traveled by train with President Harry Truman to make a speech. On March 5, 1946, at the request of Westminster College in the small Missouri town of Fulton (population of 7,000), Churchill gave his now famous Iron Curtain speech to a crowd of 40,000. In addition to accepting an honorary degree from the college, Churchill made one of his most famous post-war speeches. In this speech, Churchill gave the very descriptive phrase that surprised the United States and Britain, From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Before this speech, the U.S. and Britain had been concerned with their own post-war economies and had remained extremely grateful for the Soviet Unions proactive role in ending World War II. It was Churchills speech, which he titled The Sinews of Peace, that changed the way the democratic West viewed the Communist East. Though many people believe that Churchill coined the phrase the iron curtain during this speech, the term had actually been used for decades (including in several earlier letters from Churchill to Truman). Churchills use of the phrase gave it wider circulation and made the phrase popularly recognized as the division of Europe into East and West. Many people consider Churchills iron curtain speech the beginning of the Cold War. Below is Churchills The Sinews of Peace speech, also commonly referred to as the Iron Curtain speech, in its entirety. The Sinews of Peace by Winston Churchill I am glad to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and am complimented that you should give me a degree. The name Westminster is somehow familiar to me. I seem to have heard of it before. Indeed, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments. It is also an honour, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities—unsought but not recoiled from—the President has travelled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me, however, make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothi ng here but what you see. I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has been gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind. The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement. When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words over-all strategic concept. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part. To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp. When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called the unestimated sum of human pain. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that. Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their over-all strategic concept and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step—namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars—though not, alas, in the interval between them—I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end. I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith. It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organisation. Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people—namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, th e Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence. All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practise—let us practise what we preach. I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly of sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. There is enough for all. The eart h is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace. So far I feel that we are in full agreement. Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval a nd Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future. The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come—I feel eventually there will come—the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see. There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help it. In my fathers house are many mansions. Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbour no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable. I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have faith in each others purpose, hope in each others future and charity towards each others shortcomings—to quote some good words I read here the other day—why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each others working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure. A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain—and I doubt not here also—towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe. From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone—Greece with its immortal glories—is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre -eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy. Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of Occupied Germany by showing special favours to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westwards, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered. If now the Soviet Government tries, by separate action, to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the British and American zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts—and facts they are—this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace. The safety of the world requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wishes and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation had occurred. Twice the United States has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with its Charter. That I feel is an open cause of policy of very great impor tance. In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Titos claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I have worked for a strong France and I never lost faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist centre. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilisation. These are sombre facts for anyone to have to recite on the morrow of a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains. The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favourable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might not extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you are all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there. I have felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a high minister at the time of the Versailles Treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over, and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or even the same hopes in the haggard world at the present time. On the other hand I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here to-day while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become. From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing they admire so much as strength, and there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, their influence for furthering those principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided or falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all. Last time I saw it all coming and cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken her and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. There never was a war in all history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honoured to-day; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely must not let that happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organisation and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the world instrument, supported by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title The Sinews of Peace. Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose that we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony, or that half a century from now, you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world and united in defence of our traditions, our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or advent ure. On the contrary, there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no ones land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the high-roads of the future will be clear, not only for us but for all, not only for our time, but for a century to come. * The text of Sir Winston Churchills The Sinews of Peace speech is quoted in its entirety from Robert Rhodes James (ed.), Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches 1897-1963 Volume VII: 1943-1949 (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1974) 7285-7293.

What Does Turmeric Can Improve Liver Function - 980 Words

4. Provides cardiovascular protection Curcumin has been shown to be effective in preventing cholesterol oxidation in the body. Cholesterol oxidation can lead to plaque build-up and damage to the blood vessels, thereby causing stroke or heart attack. Turmeric is also a good source of vitamin B6, which helps keep the levels of homocysteine low. High levels of homocysteine are known to damage the walls of the blood vessels. When this happens, the risk of getting heart attack and atherosclerotic plaque build-up increases. According to The George Mateljan Foundation, a study published in the Indian Journal of Physiology and Pharmacology revealed several important things about the effect of curcumin in restoring cardiovascular function. Study volunteers who consumed 500mg of curcumin for a week experienced a drop of 33 percent in their blood levels of oxidized cholesterol. In addition, their total cholesterol levels dropped by 11.6% and the level of HDL or good cholesterol increased by 29 percent. 5. Improve liver function Studies have shown that turmeric can improve liver function in a number of ways including helping eliminate toxins from the body and aiding the production of bile, which is vital in promoting digestion and the ability of the body to convert food into energy. Researchers found that curcumin had the ability to inhibit the negative effects of free radicals in fats found in cholesterol and cell membranes. Research also suggests that curcumin has the ability toShow MoreRelatedAmpalaya3819 Words   |  16 Pageshave shown that Ampalaya increases the utilization of glucose by the liver Ampalaya Plus also has Banaba, an herb that lower sugar and help in reducing weight. Banaba contains strerols that protect the body against infections by boosting the immune system. Luyang Dilaw, on the other hand, lower cholesterol and has anti-oxidant. 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Social Work Singapore Social Problems

Question: Discuss about the Social Work for Singapore Social Problems. Answer: Singapore Social Problems and Government Philosophies Singapore has not had an easy path in its social development. Much like any other country in Asia, Singapore has had its fair share of problems related to social inclusiveness and social ills in its pre and post-independence periods. During the early years of social growth and development in Singapore, it was affected by many social ills. Pre-Independence Era (1960-1980) The first problems faced in the pre-independence years were the high rates of unemployment. The soaring unemployment was due to increased population and need for many industries to give jobs to especially the youths (Borrmann, Klassen, Spatscheck, 2007). Although, the unemployment rates were subsequently high, the industries had started to be put in place to help employ the youths. Insecurity potentially increased that led to muggings and rise in general petty thieving. The government had to set policies to improve the social and economic welfare of the people of Singapore. Marriage and divorce rates were not as high as compared to todays Singapore. Though a highly cultured society, where marriage is treasured and encouraged, many people married to follow mostly the heritage and cultures of their parents. Divorce was rare unless due to irreconcilable differences. In fact, divorce was seen as a taboo in the pre- independence periods of Singapore (Coulshed, Orme, 2012). To date, couples that married early in that period still hold hands together and are happy together. The healthcare systems were functional although many research and hospital centers were build post-independence era. Health was considered a great issue of national importance hence the government did a lot to make sure that health care was universal, free and accessible to all. Although the population was increasing most of the people in Singapore were helped by the social workers. Most of the emergency crisis and disaster situations were handled by mostly the social workers. They loved their jobs and were dedicated to the works. The role of Social Workers in crisis, emergency and disaster situations is based on three basic pillars. In the first place, we must be clear about the roles we can play within our professional role, secondly we analyze the situations in which we can intervene and, finally, the evaluation process and all its components. Post Independence Period With regard to the functions of Social Workers, after studying the functions of FITS (International Federation of Social Work) and our Code of Ethics in Singapore., we can summarize those functions that are characteristic of this type of events. Of course, all of them can be expanded, modified or supplemented by new ones that are required, so this table is a theoretical approximation of the functions we must defend. For better compression, they have been divided according to the temporal moment (reemergence, impact, and post emergence) (Johnson, 2009); And also on the basis of the beneficiaries of our intervention (affected, family, community, interveners) and finally a national level on organizational and management issues in management bodies. Social workers today do the following; Contribute to reduce inequalities and social injustices. Make known the opportunities that social groups have at their disposal. Motivate to access those opportunities. To help individuals, families and social groups to develop the emotional, intellectual and social responses necessary to enable them to take advantage of these opportunities without having to give up their personal, cultural and origin traits. Help people involved in managing feelings and emotions to learn to express them explicitly. Helping people to learn new ways of facing problems, conceiving life differently Restore the psychological balance of people. Establish or facilitate communication between people in crisis, and with people who can help in the process. Help the individual or family to properly perceive the situation. Restore the homeostasis of the individual with their environment that has been affected by the critical event. Problems in the early years and the issues now, and a comparison to modern Singapore The problem was immense but also there were difficulties of addressing it, even though it appears obvious to the public. This issue confronts us with a new treatment of the "social question" in the direction of reflecting on the rupture of social ties, the loss of social cohesion, particularly in societies with integration deficits and persistent loss of "organic solidarity" (Payne, n.d.). Along with this the type of social development changes; There is acceptance of inequality and "the notion of equality has been replaced by that of equity (which is a part of equality), the social agenda has been divided and expanded to include issues such as extreme poverty, gender equity , Race, ethnicity, among others. " Poverty, Vulnerability and Exclusion The concept of poverty, which has supported most of the work on the subject in the last two decades, is understood as a lack and refers to a state of deterioration, a situation of impairment that indicates both an absence of essential elements For subsistence and personal development as an insufficiency of the tools necessary to abandon that position.. As a result there is talk of structural poverty, impoverished, income poor; These distinctions mark some characteristics of those who are in this condition and in any case show that the former, regardless of income at the time of measurement, have historically had difficulties in reaching minimum levels of family accumulation. with research centers and council for social services, the government has set policies in order to raise awareness on social ills bedeviling Singapore. Policies such us equal rights to marginalized communities like women and the LGBT have been put in place. The government had to set policies to improve the social and economic welfare of the people of Singapore. The ministry of social work and family awareness has helped in educating young couples on how to avoid conflict in their marriages and avoid divorces (Runcan, Rat?a?, Cojocaru, 2013). These have been through social awareness and education. Policies such as health improvement and proper research have led to reduced social ills in Singapore. Social workers are well remunerated making this one of the best counties on social welfare issues in the world. However, major improvement need to be put in place by the ministry to ensure a well-rounded social justice country. References Borrmann, S., Klassen, M., Spatscheck, C. (2007). International social work. Opladen: Barbara Budrich Publishers. Coulshed, V., Orme, J. (2012). Social work practice. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Johnson, R. (2009). In a good place. New York: Touchstone. Lawrence, S., Lyons, K., Simpson, G., Huegler, N. (2010). Introducing International Social Work. Exeter: Learning Matters Ltd. Payne, M. Modern social work theory (1st ed.). Raheem, K. (1993). Problems of social security and development in a developing country. Jyva?skyla?: University of Jyva?skyla?. Runcan, P., Rat?a?, G., Cojocaru, S. (2013). Applied Social Sciences. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.